Monday, August 8, 2016


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Prison System Ponders $250 Million in Budget Cuts

Editor's note: This story has been updated throughout.

Told to prepare a budget that cuts spending by 4 percent, the Texas Department of Criminal Justice is drawing up a legislative request for the 2018-2019 biennium that would slash its operating budget by about $250 million. 

The agency won't say what potential savings — including closing prisons or figuring out how to release more nonviolent inmates — might be in the mix, but its request will launch the biennial dance with lawmakers over funding for the nation's largest prison system.

In late June, Gov. Greg Abbott, Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick and House Speaker Joe Straus instructed most state agencies to submit budget plans reflecting the 4 percent reduction target, setting that as the "starting point" for 2017 budget negotiations.

With a more than $3 billion annual operating budget, about 40,000 employees and close to 150,000 inmates, TDCJ could chase that goal by closing prisons, reducing the inmate population and changing how Texas uses its state jail system, policymakers and analysts say.

In 2013, the agency shut down two privately run state jails after the Legislature cut almost $100 million from its budget. More closures may be in the offing, said Scott Henson, author of the criminal justice blog Grits for Breakfast.

Dawson State Jail, one of the two former TDCJ facilities, closed down to the Dallas community's delight because it was by the Trinity River where major development efforts were in the works. City officials welcomed the opening up of the land.

"If we were to assume that that would probably be the driving interest that the Legislature cares about most going forward, that leads you to look at a little cluster of prisons outside of Richmond, also in Fort Bend" near where high-dollar homes sit, Henson said. "[That] sounds more possible because there's so much more economic incentive."

What could work in Fort Bend County, though, might not in other places, Henson said.

"The reason they don't want to close prisons is 'cause it's jobs," he said. "You go into Palestine, Texas, and say you're going to close prisons. Well, that's a significant part of the labor force. But Fort Bend County's growth has nothing to do with the prison industry, and in fact, there are higher, better uses for that property."

Outdated and dilapidated units might also be prime for closure, Henson said, such as the Pack Unit near Navasota where inmates have sued TDCJ over high arsenic levels in the drinking water.

Money might also be saved by cutting down inmate populations in the state jail system, which is separate from the prison system but run by TDCJ, said Michele Deitch, a senior lecturer at the LBJ School of Public Affairs at the University of Texas at Austin. The 19 state jails hold low-level offenders for no longer than two years and was designed as a backup for people under community supervision.

"It's moved so far from its original conception that it's unrecognizable," said Deitch, who was part of the office that designed the system in the early 1990s. "It has not been a success at all. It has the largest recidivism rate of any part of the criminal justice system, within any part of TDCJ, and the inmates are not getting the kinds of programs and services they need. They get no supervision or services when they get out, and so reentry is very problematic. And there's a lot of people who are locked up in state jails that really don't need to be there."

On the front end, the Legislature and local communities could whittle the inmate population with drug sentencing reforms and by using treatment and other diversion techniques as alternatives to locking up offenders for nonviolent crimes, policy analysts said.

Diversion could save the agency and taxpayers hundreds of millions of dollars, said Marc Levin, director of the Center for Effective Justice at the Texas Public Policy Foundation. A prisoner who costs the state $53 a day could cost $3 a day as a parolee or less than $2 a day as a probationer because they pay fees out of their own pockets, Levin said.

Utah and Alaska recently enacted laws reducing drug possession offense classifications from felonies to misdemeanors, he said.

Texas could also lock up fewer people for violating conditions of their probation and supervised release, Levin said.

An emphasis on treatment, especially within an offender's community, makes a positive difference, Levin said. "What we really want to avoid is to make sure budget cuts don't come from probation, diversion programs, parole," he said.

Locking someone up for nonviolent, drug-related offenses does little to help them, said Elizabeth Henneke, a policy analyst for the Texas Criminal Justice Coalition. Keeping them in prison, where there are "no bills, no stress of job, no stress of family, that doesn't translate well when they get home because additional stressors come in."

"Do these folks need to be locked up for the fact that person abused drugs, or can they stay in their community and participate with substance abuse counseling, get the treatment they need in an effective way?" Henneke asked.

State Sen. John Whitmire, a Houston Democrat and the Senate's most powerful voice on criminal justice issues, said he will try to spare the prison system from budget cuts next session.

"TDCJ's greatest expense is personnel. You have to secure the prison. So you sure as hell can't cut that," Whitmire said. "Rehabilitation – drug, alcohol, is too critical a service to cut, because it's actually what reduces recidivism and allows us to save money from having to build more prisons and also increases public safety because you have a better person released than the one that you received. Mental health services – we all know what a priority that is."

Most state services are underfunded, and it shouldn't be that way in Texas, Whitmire said.

"We do not live in a broke state," he said. "We live in a state led by those who want 'less government,' which I guess means we cut the budget. But it's early in the process."

Disclosure: The Texas Public Policy Foundation and the University of Texas at Austin have been financial supporters of The Texas Tribune. A complete list of Tribune donors and sponsors can be viewed here

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2016/08/03/prisons-agency-could-see-250-million-budget-cuts/.

Analysis: Oh, You Thought Your State Government Worked For You?

Editor's note: If you'd like an email notice whenever we publish Ross Ramsey's column, click here.

A lot can happen when you're distracted by presidential politics. The past week offered a few relatively local reminders of why politics matters.

Texas state government can shut down your access to public informationsimply by hiring private businesses to do government work that would otherwise be subject to public scrutiny.

What’s supposed to be the virtuous circle of civics — you elect lawmakers, they get to work, you re-evaluate them on that work and then vote again — has been corrupted. It competes with the commercial circle of civics, where elections are paid for by business interests that are rewarded with state contracts that, incidentally, are protected from public scrutiny because of laws passed by those same business-backed officeholders.

You can blame the Texas Supreme Court, if you’d like, for the ruling that exposed what some call a “monstrous loophole” in the state’s public information laws. Or you can blame the lawmakers who wrote those laws.

Either way, as The Texas Tribune’s Jim Malewitz reported, you can’t find out what it cost McAllen taxpayers to hire Enrique Iglesias to sing in a parade, or how many ride-hailing permits Uber got from the city of Houston.

That’s before you even get to the really big contracts that replace entire departments of state government — in child support, health and human services programs, state prisons and data services.

It might be your money, but the state doesn’t think it’s any of your business.

Your right to choose the people who represent you in government is severely limited.

It’s subverted by self-interested legislators overseen by a lumbering judiciary that preserves the status quo by slow-playing its decisions.

It’s an old gripe about redistricting and other election laws, but that doesn’t mean it’s a misplaced one. Lawmakers choose the voters who will elect them by drawing districts that will keep them or their party — or both — in power.

They’re constrained — barely — by laws that are supposed to prevent some kinds of discrimination. But the courts are painfully slow to remedy unfair political maps, and the process starts all over again when new maps are drawn every decade. It’s hard to replace incumbents voters don’t like, which makes it difficult, for instance, to regulate that “commercial circle” described above.

The litigation over photo voter ID and redistricting that began in 2011 in Texas is still underway. The courts are forcing the state to remove some of its restrictions on voting, but the redistricting judges haven’t done anything — changed maps, made a ruling, raised a question — since their last hearing.

That was two years ago.

The political maps matter. Only a handful of federal and state legislative seats are competitive, and only certain kinds of candidates are truly eligible contestants even in those districts. Those lines are set by the mapmakers, and the courts are supposed to make sure they’re fair — or at least legal — in a timely enough fashion to make a difference.

All of that business and civics stuff might be a little boring. How about life and death?

The safety of Texans with mental illness is sometimes held second to the reputations of the agencies charged with protecting them. Those agencies react to trouble — if at all — by hiding their misdeeds in personnel files and bureaucratic nonsense. A case in point, reported by the Tribune’s Edgar Walters: Keith Clayton, a 55-year-old committed to a state-run psychiatric hospital in Wichita Falls, was killed by attendants there who were trying to restrain him. It took five months for the medical examiner to determine that “an accident” had caused his death. The family, two years later, has never received an explanation.

It recalls something former Gov. Rick Perry said at a public policy conference last month about the power of government.

“Sometimes we forget that the IRS isn’t the only government agency capable of abusing its authority,” he told the American Legislative Exchange Council. “Anyone wielding the power of the state faces the temptation to abuse it.”

Perry was talking about criminal prosecutors run amok. That is hardly the only part of government that either doesn’t do the job it’s supposed to do — like that psych hospital in West Texas — or is doing a job voters had no idea was underway, like the public business outsourced to private firms with limited accountability to voters.

The attention-grabbing wizardry of Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton notwithstanding, there are plenty of examples of what’s really at stake when we choose the people who represent us. Voting isn’t just about personalities, and government isn’t just about partisan politics.

More columns from Ross Ramsey:

This article originally appeared in The Texas Tribune at https://www.texastribune.org/2016/08/08/analysis-oh-you-thought-your-state-government-work/.

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